|Amánung Kapampangan, Amánung Sísuan|
"Kapampangan" written in Kulitan, the language's writing system
|Native to||Philippines (Central Luzon)|
|Region||Pampanga, southern Tarlac, northeastern Bataan, western Bulacan, southwestern Nueva Ecija, southeastern parts of Zambales, parts of SOCCSKSARGEN (particularly southeastern South Cotabato)|
|(1.9 million cited 1990)|
|Latin (Kapampangan alphabet)|
Historically written in: Kulitan
Official language in
|Regional language of the Philippines|
|Regulated by||Komisyon sa Wikang Filipino|
Kapampangan, Pampango, or the Pampangan language is a major Philippine language. It is primarily spoken in the province of Pampanga, southern Tarlac, and northeastern Bataan. Kapampangan is also spoken in some municipalities of Bulacan and Nueva Ecija, by various Aeta groups of Central Luzon, and in scattered communities within the SOCCSKSARGEN region in Mindanao. The language is known honorifically as Amánung Sísuan ("breastfed, or nurtured, language").
Kapampangan is one of the Central Luzon languages of the Austronesian language family. Its closest relatives are the Sambalic languages of Zambales province and the Bolinao language spoken in the towns of Bolinao and Anda in Pangasinan. These languages share the same reflex /j/ of the proto-Austronesian consonant *R.
A number of Kapampangan dictionaries and grammar books were written during the Spanish colonial period. Diego Bergaño wrote two 18th-century books about the language: Arte de la lengua Pampanga (first published in 1729) and Vocabulario de la lengua Pampanga (first published in 1732). Kapampangan produced two 19th-century literary giants; Anselmo Fajardo was noted for Gonzalo de Córdova and Comedia Heróica de la Conquista de Granada, and playwright Juan Crisóstomo Soto wrote Alang Dios in 1901. "Crissotan" was written by Amado Yuzon, Soto's 1950s contemporary and Nobel Prize nominee for peace and literature, to immortalize his contribution to Kapampangan literature.
Kapampangan is predominantly spoken in the province of Pampanga and southern Tarlac (Bamban, Capas, Concepcion, San Jose, Gerona, La Paz, Victoria and Tarlac City). It is also spoken in border communities of the provinces of Bataan (Dinalupihan, Hermosa and Orani), Bulacan (Baliuag, San Miguel, San Ildefonso, Hagonoy, Plaridel, Pulilan and Calumpit), Nueva Ecija (Cabiao, San Isidro, Gapan City and Cabanatuan City) and Zambales (Olongapo City and Subic). In Mindanao, a significant Kapampangan-speaking minority also exists in South Cotabato, specifically in General Santos and the municipalities of Polomolok and Tupi. According to the 2000 Philippine census, 2,312,870 people (out of the total population of 76,332,470) spoke Kapampangan as their native language.
Standard Kapampangan has 21 phonemes: 15 consonants and five vowels; some western dialects have six vowels. Syllabic structure is relatively simple; each syllable contains at least one consonant and a vowel.
Kapampangan has five vowel phonemes:
Some dialects also include /ə/.
There are four main diphthongs: /aɪ/, /oɪ/, /aʊ/, and /iʊ/. In most dialects (including standard Kapampangan), /aɪ/ and /aʊ/ are reduced to /ɛ/ and /o/ respectively.
Monophthongs have allophones in unstressed and syllable-final positions:
In the chart of Kapampangan consonants, all stops are unaspirated. The velar nasal occurs in all positions, including the beginning of a word. Unlike other Philippine languages, Kapampangan lacks the phoneme /h/.
Stress is phonemic in Kapampangan. Primary stress occurs on the last or the next-to-last syllable of a word. Vowel lengthening accompanies primary or secondary stress, except when stress occurs at the end of a word. Stress shift can occur, shifting to the right or left to differentiate between nominal or verbal use (as in the following examples):
Stress shift can also occur when one word is derived from another through affixation; again, stress can shift to the right or the left:
In Kapampangan, the proto-Philippine schwa vowel *ə merged to /a/ in most dialects of Kapampangan; it is preserved in some western dialects. Proto-Philippine *tanəm is tanam (to plant) in Kapampangan, compared with Tagalog tanim, Cebuano tanom and Ilocano tanem (grave).
Proto-Philippine *R merged with /j/. The Kapampangan word for "new" is bayu; it is bago in Tagalog, baro in Ilocano, and baru in Indonesian.
Unlike English and Spanish (which are nominative–accusative languages) and Inuit and Basque (which are ergative–absolutive languages), Kapampangan has Austronesian alignment (in common with most Philippine languages). Austronesian alignment may work with nominative (and absolutive) or ergative (and absolutive) markers and pronouns.
Absolutive or nominative markers mark the actor of an intransitive verb and the object of a transitive verb. Ergative or genitive markers mark the object (usually indefinite) of an intransitive verb and the actor of a transitive one. It also marks possession. Oblique markers, similar to prepositions in English, mark (for example) location and direction. Noun markers are divided into two classes: names of people (personal) and everything else (common).
|Common singular||ing||-ng, ning||king|
|Common plural||ding, ring||ring||karing|
|Personal plural||di, ri||ri||kari|
Kapampangan pronouns are categorized by case: absolutive, ergative, and oblique.
|Absolutive (independent)||Absolutive (enclitic)||Ergative||Oblique|
|1st person singular||yaku, i(y) aku, aku||ku||ku||kanaku, kaku|
|2nd person singular||ika||ka||mu||keka|
|3rd person singular||iya, ya||ya||na||keya, kaya|
|1st person dual||ikata||kata, ta||ta||kekata|
|1st person plural inclusive||ikatamu, itamu||katamu, tamu||tamu, ta||kekatamu, kekata|
|1st person plural exclusive||ikami, ike||kami, ke||mi||kekami, keke|
|2nd person plural||ikayu, iko||kayu, ko||yu||kekayu, keko|
|3rd person plural||ila||la||da, ra||karela|
Genitive pronouns follow the word they modify. Oblique pronouns can replace the genitive pronoun, but precede the word they modify.
The dual pronoun ikata and the inclusive pronoun ikatamu refer to the first and second person. The exclusive pronoun ikamí refers to the first and third persons.
The pronouns ya and la have special forms when they are used in conjunction with the words ati (there is/are) and ala (there is/are not).
Both ati yu and ati ya are correct. The plural form ("they are") is atilu and atila. Both ala la and ala lu are correct in the plural form. The singular forms are ala ya and ala yu.
Pronouns also combine to form a portmanteau pronoun:
Portmanteau pronouns are not usually used in questions and with the word naman:
In the following chart, blank entries denote combinations which are deemed impossible. Column headings denote pronouns in the absolutive case, and the row headings denote the ergative case.
|(ing sarili ku)||da ka
|–||–||–||da ko (ra ko)
da kayu (ra kayu)
|mu ku||(ing sarili mu)||me
|na ku||na ka||ne
(ing sarili na)
|na kata||na katamu||na ke
|(ing sarili ta)||–||–||–||to|
|–||–||ta ya||–||(ing sarili tamu)||–||–||ta la|
|mi ya||–||–||(ing sarili mi)||da ko (ra ko)
da kayu (ra kayu)
|(ing sarili yu)||yo|
|da ke (ra ke)
da kami (ra kami)
|da ko (ra ko)
da kayu (ra kayu)
da la (ra la)
(ing sarili da)
Kapampangan's demonstrative pronouns differ from other Philippine languages by having separate forms for singular and plural.
|Nearest to speaker
|Near speaker & addressee
The demonstrative pronouns ini and iti (and their respective forms) both mean "this", but each has distinct uses. Iti usually refers to something abstract, but may also refer to concrete nouns: iting musika (this music), iti ing gagawan mi (this is what we do). Ini is always concrete: ining libru (this book), ini ing asu nang Juan (this is Juan's dog).
In their locative forms, keni is used when the person spoken to is not near the subject spoken of; keti is used when the person spoken to is near the subject spoken of. Two people in the same country will refer to their country as keti, but will refer to their respective towns as keni; both mean "here".
The plural forms of a demonstrative pronoun and its existential form (for the nearest addressee) are exceptions. The plural of iyan is den/ren; the plural of niyan is daren; the plural of kanyan is karen, and the plural of oyan is oren. The existential form of iyan is ken.
Kapampangan verbs are morphologically complex, and take a variety of affixes reflecting focus, aspect and mode. The language has Austronesian alignment, and the verbs change according to triggers in the sentence (better known as voices). Kapampangan has five voices: agent, patient, goal, locative, and cirumstantial. The circumstantial voice prefix is used for instrument and benefactee subjects.
The direct case morphemes in Kapampangan are ing (which marks singular subjects) and reng, for plural subjects. Non-subject agents are marked with the ergative-case ning; non-subject patients are marked with the accusative-case -ng, which is cliticized onto the preceding word.
|(1)||Agent trigger (or voice)|
|"The boy will write a poem with a pen on the paper."|
|"The boy will write the poem to the teacher"|
|or "The poem will be written by the boy to the teacher."|
|"The boy will write to the teacher"|
|or "The teacher will be written to by the boy."|
|"The boy will write a poem on the blackboard"|
|or "The blackboard will be written a poem on by the boy."|
|(5)||a.||Circumstantial trigger (with instrument subject)|
|"The boy will write a poem with the pen"|
|or "The pen will be written a poem with by the boy."|
|(5)||b.||Circumstantial trigger (with benefactee subject)|
|"The woman will read a book for the children"|
|or "The children will be read a book by the woman."|
Speakers of other Philippine languages find Kapampangan verbs difficult because some verbs belong to unpredictable verb classes and some verb forms are ambiguous. The root word sulat (write) exists in Tagalog and Kapampangan:
The object-focus suffix -an represents two focuses; the only difference is that one conjugation preserves -an in the completed aspect, and it is dropped in the other conjugation:
Other Philippine languages have separate forms; Tagalog has -in and -an in, Bikol and most of the Visayan languages have -on and -an, and Ilokano has -en and -an due to historical sound changes in the proto-Philippine /*e/.
A number of actor-focus verbs do not use the infix -um-, but are usually conjugated like other verbs which do (for example, gawa (to do), bulus (to immerse), terak (to dance), lukas (to take off), sindi (to smoke), saklu (to fetch), takbang (to step) and tuki (to accompany). Many of these verbs undergo a change of vowel instead of taking the infix -in- (completed aspect). In the actor focus (-um- verbs), this happens only to verbs with the vowel /u/ in the first syllable; lukas (to take off) is conjugated lukas (will take off), lulukas (is taking off), and likas (took off).
This change of vowel also applies to certain object-focus verbs in the completed aspect. In addition to /u/ becoming /i/, /a/ becomes /e/ in certain cases (for example, dela [brought something], semal [worked on something] and seli [bought]).
There is no written distinction between the two mag- affixes; magsalita may mean "is speaking" or "will speak", but there is an audible difference. [mɐɡsaliˈtaʔ] means "will speak" while [ˌmaːɡsaliˈtaʔ] means "is speaking".
|Actor focus||mag-||mág-||mig-, meg-|
|Object focus||-an||CV- ... -an||-in-|
|-an||CV- ... -an||-in- ... -an|
-i- ... -an
-e- ... -an
|Instrument focus||ipaN-||páN-||piN-, peN|
To express existence (there is, there are) and possession (to have), the word atí is used:
Kapampangan has two negation words: alí and alá. Alí negates verbs and equations, and means "no" or "not":
Alá is the opposite of atí:[clarification needed]
E is sometimes used instead of alí:
Komustá is used to ask how something is. Frequently used as a greeting ("How are you?"), it is derived from the Spanish ¿cómo está?
Nanu means "what": Nanu ya ing gagawan mu? (What are you doing?)
Ninu means "who":
Nukarin, meaning "where", is used to ask about the location of an object and not used with verbs:
Due to the influence of Buddhism and Hinduism, Kapampangan also acquired words from Sanskrit. A few examples are:
The language also has many Spanish loanwords, including suerti (from suerte, "luck"), kurus (from cruz, "cross"), karni (from carne, "meat"), korsunada (from corazonada, "crush") and kasapego (from casa fuego, "matchbox").
Kapampangan, like most Philippine languages, uses the Latin alphabet. Before the Spanish colonization of the Philippines, it was written with the Kulitan alphabet. Kapampangan is usually written in one of three different writing systems: sulat Baculud, sulat Wawa and a hybrid of the two, Amung Samson.
The first system (sulat Baculud, also known as tutung Capampangan or tutung Kapampangan in the sulat Wawa system) is based on Spanish orthography, a feature of which involved the use of the letters ⟨c⟩ and ⟨q⟩ to represent the phoneme /k/ (depending on the vowel sound following the phoneme). ⟨C⟩ was used before /a/, /o/ and /u/ (ca, co and cu), and ⟨q⟩ was used with ⟨u⟩ before the vowels /e/ and /i/ (que, qui). The Spanish-based orthography is primarily associated with literature by authors from Bacolor and the text used on the Kapampangan Pasion.
The second system, the Sulat Wawa, is an "indigenized" form which preferred ⟨k⟩ over ⟨c⟩ and ⟨q⟩ in representing the phoneme /k/. This orthography, based on the Abakada alphabet was used by writers from Guagua and rivaled writers from the nearby town of Bacolor.
The third system, Amung Samson hybrid orthography, intends to resolve the conflict in spelling between proponents of the sulat Baculud and sulat Wawa. This system was created by former Catholic priest Venancio Samson during the 1970s to translate the Bible into Kapampangan. It resolved conflicts between the use of ⟨q⟩ and ⟨c⟩ (in sulat Baculud) and ⟨k⟩ (in sulat Wawa) by using ⟨k⟩ before ⟨e⟩ and ⟨i⟩ (instead of [qu]⟩ and using ⟨c⟩ before ⟨a⟩, ⟨o⟩, and ⟨u⟩ (instead of ⟨k⟩). The system also removed ⟨ll⟩ and ⟨ñ⟩ (from Spanish), replacing them with ⟨ly⟩ and ⟨ny⟩.
Orthography has been debated by Kapampangan writers, and orthographic styles may vary by writer. The sulat Wawa system has become the popular method of writing due to the influence of the Tagalog-based Filipino language (the national language) and its orthography. The sulat Wawa system is used by the Akademyang Kapampangan and the poet Jose Gallardo.
From the 10th century AD to 1571, before the Spanish conquest of Lúsung Guo which resulted in the creation of the Province of Pampanga, Kapampangans used a writing system known as Kulitan or Sulat Kapampangan. Augustinian missionaries studied the Kapampangan language and its writing system.
As late as 1699, more than a century after the Spanish conquest, Spaniards continued studying the Kapampangan language and writing system. The Spanish introduced a Romanized orthography, known as the Bacolor Orthography, Súlat Bacúlud or Tutûng Kapampángan (English: "genuine Kapampangan") because of the number of works written in this orthography. The orthography contains the letters q, c, f, ñ and ll.
By the end of the Spanish colonization, the Abakada alphabet (also known as Súlat Wáwâ or Guagua script) replaced c and q with k. Kapampangan nationalist writers from Wáwâ (Guagua) wanted to create an identity distinct from the Bacúlud literary tradition. They were inspired by José Rizal, who proposed simplifying the Romanized Tagalog by replacing c and q with k. Two Kapampangan writers from Wáwâ, Aurelio Tolentino and Monico Mercado (with his translation of Rizal's "Mi último adiós") have adapted Rizal's proposal into Kapampangan writing.
On December 31, 1937, Philippine president Manuel L. Quezon proclaimed the language based on Tagalog as the commonwealth's national language. Zoilo Hilario proposed standardizing Kapampangan orthography. A member of the Institute of National Language (INL), Hilario sought to adopt the Abakada alphabet used in Tagalog as Kapampangan's orthographic system. The legal imposition of Tagalog as the Philippine national language placed all other Philippine languages (including Kapampangan) in a subordinate position. The conflict between the "purists" and "anti-purists" which plagued the Tagalog literary scene was echoed by Kapampangan writers.
In 1970 (before his translation of the Bible into Kapampangan), Venancio Samson called the dispute over Kapampangan orthography to the attention of the Philippine Bible Society and submitted a proposal aimed at reconciling the old and the new spelling in Kapampangan writing with what is known as Ámung Samson's hybrid orthography. Samson's synthesis was readily accepted by the Catholic Archdiocese of Pampanga, which used it in most of its Kapampangan publications during the early 1970s.
In 1997, the Batiáuan Foundation said that the major obstacle to popularizing Kapampangan was the intense conflict over orthography. The prediction that the Kapampangans would be absorbed by the Tagalogs was seen by Kapampangan groups as a real threat, since Tagalog words were replacing indigenous words in spoken Kapampangan. They revised the Abakada alphabet in Kapampangan writing, removing the letter w and mandating simplified diacritical marks. According to Akademyang Kapampangan, the Batiáuan revision complicates Kapampangan writing and confuses adherents of their proposed orthography. Batiáuan insists that the diacritical marks are essential in written Kapampangan, because many words are spelled the same but are pronounced differently. From this perspective, diacritical marks facilitate understanding instead of complicating the language.
|Pampanga edition of Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia|