The Roman empire in the time of Hadrian (ruled 117-138 AD), showing, on the upper Rhine river, the imperial province of Germania Superior (Franche-Comté/Alsace-Lorraine/Baden-Württemberg), and the 2 legions deployed there in 125.
Northern part of the province with the Limes Germanicus.
The terms, "Upper Germania" and "Lower Germania" do not appear in the Gallic Wars of Julius Caesar, yet he writes about reports that the people who lived in those regions were referred to as Germani locally, a term used for a tribe that the Romans called the Germani Cisrhenani, and that the name Germania seems to have been adopted to designate other indigenous tribes in the area. Lower Germania was occupied by the Belgae. Upper Germania was occupied by Gaulish tribes including the Helvetii, Sequani, Leuci, and Treveri, and, on the north bank of the middle Rhine, the remnant of the Germanic troops that had attempted to take Vesontio under Ariovistus, but who were defeated by Caesar in 58 BC.
The Romans did not abandon this region at any time after then. During a 5-year period in the initial years of his reign (28–23 BC), as Cassius Dio tells us (53.12), Octavian Caesar assumed direct governorship of the major senatorial provinces on grounds that they were in danger of insurrection and he alone commanded the troops required to restore security. They were to be restored to the senate in 10 years under proconsuls elected by the senate.
Among these independent provinces were upper Germania. Apparently it had become a province in the last years of the republic. Tacitus also mentions it as the province of Germania Superior in his Annales (3.41, 4.73, 13.53). Cassius Dio viewed the Germanic tribes as Celts, an impression given perhaps by Belgica, the name assigned to lower Germania at the time. Dio does not mention the border, but he views upper Germany as extending to the source of the Rhine. It is not clear if he was aware of the Upper Rhine in Switzerland, upstream from Lake Constance. Today we call the section of the Rhine running through upper Germania the middle Rhine.
Limit of the empire
Augustus had planned to incorporate all of central Germania in one province, Germania Magna. This plan was frustrated by the Germanic tribesmen at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest. Augustus decided to limit the empire at the Rhine-Danube border. Thereafter continual conflict prevailed along it, forcing the Romans to conduct punitive expeditions and fortify Germania Superior.
By 12 BC, major bases existed at Xanten (Castra Vetera) and Mainz (Mogontiacum), from which Drusus operated. A system of forts gradually developed around these bases. In 69–70, all the Roman fortications along the Rhine and Danube were destroyed by Germanic insurrections and civil war between the legions. At the conclusion of this violent but brief social storm they were rebuilt more extensively than before, with a road connecting Mainz and Augsburg (Augusta Vindelicorum).
Domitian went to war against the Chatti in 83–85, who were north of Frankfurt (in Hesse named after them). At this time the first line, or continuous fortified border, was constructed. It consisted of a cleared zone of observation, a palisade where practicable, wooden watchtowers and forts at the road crossings. The system reached maximum extent by 90. A Roman road went through the Odenwald and a network of secondary roads connected all the forts and towers.
Germania Superior and Germania Inferior in the 3rd century.
The plan governing the development of the limes was relatively simple. From a strategic point of view, the Agri Decumates, or region between the Rhine and Danube, offers a bulge in the line between the Celts and the Germanics, which the Germanics had tried to exploit under Ariovistus. The bulge divided the densely populated Celtic settlements along the entire river system in two. Invading forces could move up under cover of the Black Forest. Roman defensive works therefore cut across the base of the bulge, denying the protected corridor and shortening the line.
The key point was the shoulder of the bulge at Mogontiacum (Mainz) where the masse de manoevre or strategic reserves were located. The forts through the forest were relatively lightly defended and on that account were always being burned by the Alamanni. They gave advance notice, however. On being notified, the legions would strike out in preventative and punitive expeditions from Mainz or Strasburg, or Augsburg on the other side.
The entire system could only succeed if heavy troop concentrations were kept at Mainz. Fixed defenses alone are not much of a defense, in either ancient or modern times. Other forces are required for attack. At best the fixed defenses serve to warn or delay until a counterattack can be launched. For more complete details on the development of the limes, or frontier, see under Limes Germanicus.
In the subsequent peaceful years, the limes lost its temporary character. Vici, or communities, developed around the forts. By 150, the towers and the bases had been rebuilt in stone. The soldiers now lived in good stone barracks within walls decorated by frescoes. Germanic civilization had changed as well. Where Caesar had described burning the wretched brush hovels of the Suebi who had come to fight for Ariovistus, the Chatti and the Alamanni now lived in comfortable Romanized villages around the limes.
Germania Superior was reestablished as an Imperial Roman province in 90, taking large amounts of territory from Gallia Lugdunensis. One of its first and most famous governors was the future Emperor Trajan, who ruled the province from 96 until his accession in 98. The Helvetii settlement area became part of the province of Germania Superior.
End of the province
Post 400, as Rome slowly was losing control over its northern most provinces over a period of 50 years, the southern (Swiss) parts of Germania Superior were incorporated into the Provincia Maxima Sequanorum before they became part of Burgundy in the early 5th century. The northern parts became part of Alemannia.
^Dates in this section containing two numbers separated by a slash (such as, "71/72") do not represent two different years, but a single year expressed in two different calendars. See Dual dating.
Rüger, C. (2004) . "Germany". In Alan K. Bowman; Edward Champlin; Andrew Lintott (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History: X, The Augustan Empire, 43 B.C. - A.D. 69. 10 (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 526–528. ISBN0-521-26430-8.
^Eck, Werner (1982). Deutsches Archäologisches Institut. Kommission für Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik [German Archaeological Institute. Commission for Ancient History and Epigraphy] (ed.). "Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/139". Chiron. Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck. 12: 281–362. ISBN3406078524. ISSN0069-3715. OCLC932001499.
Hordeonius Flaccus pp. 284 (also: Eck vol. 2, p. 219)
held provisional command briefly in 69 in both G. Sup. and G. Inf, over troops remaining on the Rhine after Vitellius's departure until being killed at the end of 69.
C. Dillius Vocula pp. 284. (also: vol. 2, p. 219)
Took over after Flaccus, and briefly held command over a portion of the armed forces of the Rhine; killed in 70.
Ap. Annius Gallus pp. 284,287,290 (also: vol. 2, p. 219)
Cn. Pinarius Cornelius Clemens pp. 291, 293, 295 (also: vol. 2, p. 219)
was certainly there by 73; whether still there in 74/75 is uncertain.
Q. Corellius Rufus pp. 302, 304–306; (also: vol. 2, p. 219)
was certainly there by 82; either took command immediately after being Consul, or a few years later.
Lucius Antonius Saturninus pp. 314–315. (also: vol. 2, p. 219)
Killed early 87 by Lappius Maximum (gov. of Germ. Inf.) during his attempted insurrection.
C. Octavius Tidius Tossianus L. Iavolenus Priscus pp. 316, 318–319. (also: vol. 2, p. 219)
M. Ulpius Traianus p. 326, 328 (also: vol. 2, p. 219)
L. Iulius Ursus Servianus p. 328, 330. (also: vol. 2, p. 219)
Ignotus p. 349, 351. (also: vol. 2, p. 219)
"Unknown" in Latin, but referring to someone who left a trace, and the word is used in sources as a substitute pronoun for a name, as capital-I "Ignotus", rather than as a descriptive adjective. He was possibly an assessor from Belgica who was also militarily responsible for Ger. Sup. and Inf.
^Weiß, Peter (2004). "Ein neuer Legat Domitians von Germania superior in einem Militärdiplom: Sex. Lusianus Proculus". Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik. Band 147: 229–234.
^Eck, Werner (2004). "Diplome, Konsuln und Statthalter: Fortschritte und Probleme der kaiserzeitlichen Prosopographie". Chiron. Band 34: 25–44, here page 37.
^Eck, Werner (1983). Deutsches Archäologisches Institut. Kommission für Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik [German Archaeological Institute. Commission for Ancient History and Epigraphy] (ed.). "Jahres- und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/139, II". Chiron. Munich: Verlag C. H. Beck. 13: 147–237. ISBN3406093337. ISSN0069-3715. OCLC932001499.CS1 maint: ignored ISBN errors (link)
Kan[us? Junius Niger] p. 148, 219.
C. Quinctius Certus Poblicius Marcellus pp. 169, 171, 196, 219.
The description "between 121 and 128" ("zwischen 121 u. 128") indicates "at some time within this interval", not necessarily for the entire interval.
P. 169 shows him as gov. Syria 130/131–134/135, and references annex 1, "Governors whose exact dates cannot be ascertained", and on p. 196 discusses the possibilities based on an incomplete inscription.
fn p. 171 quotes an inscription from April 132 listing him by 120 as already Consul of Germ. sup. and then Legate.
[...]ius Celer pp. 165–169, 219. Full name and identity uncertain.
Note 398 p. 165 gives possible connections with 'Roscius Aleianus Caler' (reading the 'ius' as possibly 'nus'), or with L. Roscius Aelianus Maecius Celer, or Catellius Celer, as the main possibilities. Other researchers have also mentioned these: Q. Pompeius --- Catellius Celer Allius?---, L. Roscius [---Mae]cius Celer M[anlius?--] Postumus Mam[ilianus?---] Vergilius Staberia[nus---], M. Maecius Celer, Q. Insteius Celer, [I]ulius ...[In]steius Pauli[nus], and Ti. Lartidius Celer.
Ti. Claudius Quartinus pp. 174, 219.
Probably the same person as was Consul Quartinus in 130; and he might be the immediate successsor of [...]ius Celer (in which case there's no gap in 131/132-132/133, which is not otherwise covered)
was "possibly" (möglicherweise) the successor of . Aufidius Victorinus in c.166-c.169, depending on whether some incomplete text listed as "L. Iu______" was properly identified and dated by E. Birley (see Alföldy-1977, p.171, note 137)
[Caerellius Priscus], p. 229
the brackets indicates his name is uncertain or unknown; he is an anonymous legate mentioned in one inscription, whose children went by the name, 'Caerilius', and most likely identify 'Caerellius Priscus', per E. Birley; further details at Alföldy-1977, p. 186.
P. Cornelius Anullinus, p. 229
apparently after he served as curator alvei Tiberis (the official responsible for maintaining the channels of the Tiber)