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ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE IPA
School of Language & Literature
University of Aberdeen
School of English Literature, Language & Linguistics, University of Newcastle
Tyneside English (TE) is spoken in Newcastle upon Tyne, a city of around 260,000 inhabitants
in the far north of England, and in the conurbation stretching east and south of Newcastle
along the valley of the River Tyne as far as the North Sea. The total population of this
conurbation, which also subsumes Gateshead, Jarrow, North and South Shields, Whitley Bay,
and Tynemouth, exceeds 800,000. The transcription is based on the speech of a 24-year
old speaker who has lived all of her life in the Tyneside area, mostly in the Walker area of
Newcastle. It should be noted that there is considerable phonetic variation in TE as a function
of speaker age, sex and socioeconomic class, such that some of the features discussed in
this illustration do not apply to the speaker in question; conversely, the speaker uses certain
pronunciations which are not necessarily representative of the TE-speaking community as a
whole (see Docherty & Foulkes 1999, Watt & Milroy 1999, Watt 2000).
[p,t,k] are aspirated in word-initial position, except where preceded tautosyllabically by [s],
as in spy,sty,sky. They are also aspirated where they appear in the onsets of word-internal
stressed syllables, as in appear,attend,occur. In intervocalic positions, as in happy,pop out,
city,get off,sticker,stick up, however, a range of more localised pronunciations may be heard.
Journal of the International Phonetic Association (2003) 33/2 C
International Phonetic Association
DOI: 10.1017/S0025100303001397 Printed in the United Kingdom
268 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA
[p,t,k] in these contexts often involve a combination of an occlusion at the appropriate place
of articulation and ‘glottalisation’, usually manifested as a short period of laryngealised voice
before and/or after and often also during the stop gap (e.g. in words like carter,inwhichthe
medial consonant has traditionally been transcribed [/t]or[t/], but might better be transcribed
[d0]; see further Docherty & Foulkes 1999). For many TE speakers the timing of this double
articulation is such that the release of the oral occlusion is masked by the presence of the
glottal gesture. As many analysts have pointed out (e.g. Wells 1982: 374), this is auditorily
one of the most distinctive features of the accent. [p,t,k] in intervocalic positions may also be
fully voiced, though the speaker in our recordings generally avoids pronunciations of this type.
Contrary to the patterns observed in many contemporary urban varieties of British English,
use of [/] rather than [t] in words like carter or kite is rare in TE, although the speaker can
be heard to use it in, for example, disputing.[/] is used almost exclusively for [t] where it
precedes [l], as in bottle. Incomplete closure of [t] is fairly common, especially among female
TE speakers, resulting in a quality similar to the Hiberno-English ‘slit-t’ reported by Pandeli
et al. (1997). The articulation of [d] is also often characterised by incomplete closure. Such
pronunciations of [t]and[d] are more common in word-ﬁnal positions than in word-medial
ones. Additionally, among younger women word- and utterance-ﬁnal [p,t,k] (as in loop,
white,kick) is frequently preceded by a period of ‘pre-aspiration’. Pronunciations of this sort
are somewhat variable in terms of the spectral properties of the fricative noise preceding the
stop closure, however, such that some would not accord fully with conventional accounts of
pre-aspiration (for discussion see Docherty & Foulkes 1999, Docherty 2003).
[b,d,g] are rarely fully voiced in TE, but may be voiced where they occur between voiced
sounds. Unlike many other urban accents of England, TE features neither [h]-dropping (except
in unstressed function words such as pronouns) nor ‘TH-fronting’ (the substitution of [f]and
[v]for[T]and[D], respectively, in words like thirsty or either). Allen (forthcoming) and
Kerswill (2003) report evidence that the latter is becoming more frequent in the English
spoken in the region, however. [l] is traditionally ‘clear’ in all contexts (cf. later and solve)
though it may be noted that our informant habitually produces a velarised quality in syllable-
ﬁnal positions (e.g. fatal) and even uses a vocalised [U]inbottle. The informant is somewhat
atypical for a TE speaker in that rather than using [®]inred,wrapped, etc., she uses [√], and
at times even a quality close to [w]. Use of [√] appears to be on the increase among young
Tyneside women, but is only very rarely used by older or male TE speakers. It can thus almost
certainly be regarded as an incipient sound change in the variety, since it has been shown
to be a recently-adopted innovation in other urban accents of northern England (Williams &
Kerswill 1999, Foulkes & Docherty 2000). TE is a non-rhotic accent of English, meaning
that [®] is not realised in post-vocalic positions (e.g. cart,doctor) unless it is followed by a
vowel, as in very,Murray,colour is, etc. So-called ‘intrusive’ [®], as in comma in, is used by
the informant where a word-boundary intervenes, but is generally absent in more traditional
TE, in which [/] is frequently inserted in these contexts (see Foulkes 1998). Indeed, insertion
of [/] to ‘break up’ any V =V juxtaposition across a word boundary (not just those which
trigger intrusive [®] in other non-rhotic British accents) is characteristic of TE.
D. Watt & W. Allen: Tyneside English 269
Because it is undergoing change (see Watt 2000), the system of vowel contrasts used in
TE varies markedly between speakers, and so it is difﬁcult to posit a single vowel system
or set of phonemic contrasts for the variety. For example, it is perhaps misleading to state
that the vowel of boat is [o…] in this accent, when in fact this is only the most frequent of
several possible pronunciations of the vowel, some of which are markedly divergent from
this quality and which would perhaps stand as better exemplars of the vowel in this variety
than [o…] does because they are more localised. The stereotyped TE pronunciations [U´]and
[π…] are examples of this, as are the archaic [a…]and[aU], which among older speakers occur
sporadically in words like snow [sna…]andsoldiers ["saUldZåz]. Other pronunciations, such as
[ni…]no and [stI´n]stone, serve to cloud the picture further. The distribution of vowel qualities
across the lexicon in TE should therefore not be assumed to adhere to the same patterns found
even in neighbouring accents, let alone in British Received Pronunciation, and still less so
in the English accents of other parts of the world. The space limitations imposed by this
Illustration necessitate a rather simplistic and incomplete view of the TE vowels, then, but
fuller descriptions of TE phonology may be found in Viereck (1966), Watt & Milroy (1999),
Trousdale (2000) and Allen (forthcoming).
i… bead Å… bard ai buy
Ibid O… board oe boy
e… bayed o… boat œu cow
Ebed Ubud iå pier
E… pair u… booed uå poor
abad P… bird
The distinctions between [E]and[E…] and between [Å]and[Å…] in TE are arguably only
of length for many speakers, though some speakers may use a more standard-like [A…] rather
than [Å…] in words like farm, card, etc. It will also be noticed that there is no contrast between
e.g. put and putt,asperthe[ø]∼[U] distinction found in accents of English outside northern
England. [i]and[u] are typically closer than in other varieties, and [u] – at least in more
conservative TE – is less prone to the fronting observed in many other accents, retaining a
quality quite close to Cardinal Vowel 8. [i]and[u] are diphthongs in morphologically open
syllables, such that freeze [f®i…z] and frees [f®eiz], or bruise [b®u…z] and brews [b®πUz] are not
homophonous. Instrumental evidence (Paul Foulkes, p.c.) indicates that when produced as a
monophthong [e…] (rather than as a centring diphthong [I´] or a closing diphthong [eI]), the
vowel of face is often fronter than that of ﬂeece, especially among younger women. These
speakers also frequently front [u] to a quality in the region of . The pronunciation of bird
may be anything from [bO…d]to[bP…d]or[bI…d] depending upon the age and sex of the speaker,
while boat and bought are indistinguishable in the speech of many female TE speakers. Some
TE speakers exhibit length/quality alternations which are strongly reminiscent of the Scottish
Vowel Length Rule (e.g. Scobbie et al. 1999), in that, for instance, the diphthong of knife is
shorter in duration and has a fronter, closer onset than that of knives (see Milroy 1995). Lastly,
the quality of schwa is highly variable in TE, and is typically fairly open; [å] is a frequent
pronunciation. Schwa is also often longer in duration than the vowel of a preceding stressed
syllable, even if the latter is a phonologically long vowel (e.g. butter,water,meter,etc.;see
the following section).
Stress and intonation
Stress patterns in TE follow those found in other British accents quite closely. As noted
above, however, stressed syllables are often shorter in duration than unstressed ones, and
are frequently produced with lower F0 as well (e.g. in words like water). The use of rising
270 Journal of the International Phonetic Association: Illustrations of the IPA
intonation patterns on declarative utterances is a feature TE shares with the accents of other
northern British cities (Cruttenden 1997, Grabe et al. 2000). There is a tendency among TE
speakers not to reduce the vowel in some unstressed syllables, e.g. ones containing [Å], as in
the recorded speaker’s pronunciation of confess.
Transcription of recorded passage
Two transcriptions are given, the ﬁrst being a broad phonemic transcription using the symbols
in the charts above, and with vowel length and primary stress marked. Interpretation of
this transcription should be made bearing in mind the comments made about variability in
preceding sections. The second transcription is a narrow phonetic transcription which aims
to capture the pronunciation of the passage by the speaker recorded for this purpose.
D´ "nO…T "wInd ´n D´ "sUn w´ dIs"pju…tIN "wItS w´zD´ "st®ÅNg´ wEn ´ "t®av´l´ "ke…m
´lÅN "®apt In ´ "wO…m "ko…t DeI ´"g®i…d Dat D´ "wÅn hu… "fP…stsUk"si…d´dIn"me…kIND´
"t®av´l´ "te…k hIz"ko…t Åf SUd bi… kÅn"sId´d "st®ÅNg´ D´n Di "UD´ DEn D´ "nO…T "wInd
"blu… ´z"hA…d ´zhi "kUd bUt D´ "mO… hi "blu… D´ "mO… "klo…sli dId D´ "t®av´l´ "fo…ld hIz
"ko…t ´"®aund hIm ´nd ´t "last D´ "nO…T "wInd "ge…v Up Di ´"tEmpt DEn D´ "sUn "SÅn
œut "wO…mli ´nd I"mi…dj´tli D´ "t®av´l´ "tUk Åf hIz"ko…t ´nd so… D´ "nO…T "wInd w´z
´"blaidZd t´ kÅn"fEs D´t D´ "sUn w´zD´ "st®ÅNg´ ´v D´ "tu…
D´6"nO…T "wInd ´) D´ "sU5m ´ dIs"pj00/nÆ"wItS w´z9´"st®Å)NgE∞wEn ´ "t®9avlE∞kÓe…m ´lÅN
"√aÓpt3 In´ "wOm "kÓoÓtÓ DeI"g√eid Da/ D´ "wÅn hU "fE∞Ús´k"siÚdId nÆ"mE6/N D´ "t®9avl´
"tÓE6i/kI 9z9"kÓoU/t Å0fS
Ib…i kÓÅn"sId´ "s…t®ÅNg´ d1´)≠"IDE∞DEn1D´ "nO…T wIm "blIu Iz9 "hA…d
Izi"kÓP∞|§bI0d1 ´0"mÅ)… Hi "blIu D´ "mÅ)…"kl9O6…sli dId1´"t®9avlå "fo´ld Iz"kÓOÚd0´0"√aU)nd9hI)m
´nd I/ "l0as T "nO§…T "wI§N"gI
hEmt "d1En I "sUn "Sø*n EU/ "wO…mli n´)"mi…dZ´0l0i0D´
"t√9avlø "tÓUk’Af I9s"kÓO6…ÓtÓ nÆso§D´ "nO…T "wIn w´z´"blaEs2kÓÅµ"fEs… å0/ D´ "sUmUzD
We are grateful to Gerry Docherty and Paul Foulkes for their comments on a draft of this article.
ALLEN, W. (forthcoming). Phonological Variation and Change in the Speech of Tyneside Adolescents.
Ph.D. thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne.
CRUTTENDEN, A. (1997). Intonation (2nd edn.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
DOCHERTY, G. J. (2003). Speaker, community, identity: empirical and theoretical perspectives on
sociophonetic variation. In Proceedings of the 15th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences,
Barcelona, August 2003, 11–16.
DOCHERTY,G.J.&FOULKES, P. (1999). Derby and Newcastle: instrumental phonetics and variationist
studies. In Foulkes & Docherty (eds.), 47–71.
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and Phonetics 6, 18–39. [Also in Histoire, Epist´
emologie, Langage 19, 73–96].
D. Watt & W. Allen: Tyneside English 271
FOULKES,P.&DOCHERTY, G. J. (eds.) (1999). Urban Voices: Accent Studies in the British Isles, London:
FOULKES,P.&DOCHERTY, G. J. (2000). Another chapter in the story of /r/: ‘labiodental’ variants in British
English. Journal of Sociolinguistics 4, 30–59.
GRABE,E.,POST,B.,NOLAN,F.&FARRAR, K. (2000). Pitch accent realization in four varieties of British
English. Journal of Phonetics 28, 161–186.
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PANDELI,H.,ESKA,J.F.,BALL,M.J.&RAHILLY, J. (1997). Problems of phonetic transcription: the case
of the Hiberno-English slit-t. Journal of the International Phonetic Association 27, 65–75.
SCOBBIE,J.M.,TURK,A.E.&HEWLETT, N. (1999). Morphemes, phonetics and lexical items: the case of
the Scottish Vowel Length Rule. Proceedings of the 14th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences,
San Francisco, August 1999, 1617–1620.
TROUSDALE, G. M. (2000). Variation and (Socio)linguistic Theory: A Case Study of Tyneside English.
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WAT T , D. (2000). Phonetic parallels between the close-mid vowels of Tyneside English: are they internally
or externally motivatedŒLanguage Variation and Change 12, 69–101.
WAT T ,D.&MILROY, L. (1999). Patterns of variation and change in three Newcastle vowels: is this dialect
levellingŒIn Foulkes & Docherty (eds.), 25–46.
WELLS, J. C. (1982). Accents of English (3 vols.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
WILLIAMS, A.&KERSWILL, P. E. (1999). Dialect levelling: change and continuity in Milton Keynes,
Reading and Hull. In Foulkes & Docherty (eds.), 141–162.
In two categorization experiments using phonotactically legal nonce words, we tested Australian English listeners’ perception of all vowels in their own accent as well as in four less familiar regional varieties of English which differ in how their vowel realizations diverge from Australian English: London, Yorkshire, Newcastle (UK), and New Zealand. Results of Experiment 1 indicated that amongst the vowel differences described in sociophonetic studies and attested in our stimulus materials, only a small subset caused greater perceptual difficulty for Australian listeners than for the corresponding Australian English vowels. We discuss this perceptual tolerance for vowel variation in terms of how perceptual assimilation of phonetic details into abstract vowel categories may contribute to recognizing words across variable pronunciations. Experiment 2 determined whether short-term multi-talker exposure would facilitate accent adaptation, particularly for those vowels that proved more difficult to categorize in Experiment 1. For each accent separately, participants listened to a pre-test passage in the nonce word accent but told by novel talkers before completing the same task as in Experiment 1. In contrast to previous studies showing rapid adaptation to talker-specific variation, our listeners’ subsequent vowel assimilations were largely unaffected by exposure to other talkers’ accent-specific variation.
Apparent time analysis has revealed that the Tyneside face vowel is the site of two intersecting trends: levelling towards the supra-northern monophthong as well as the gradual incursion of the southern standard closing diphthong. This article investigates the participation of individual speakers across their life-span in these ongoing changes in the face vowel. We report on a small-scale panel sample of six speakers who were recorded in 1971 and again, 42 years later, in 2013. The analysis probes the stability of individual speakers’ grammars, relying on longitudinal ethnographic analysis in the community as well as insights gleaned from sociolinguistic interviews about the speakers’ socio-demographic trajectory and their presentations of self. The article contributes to the growing body of panel research that aims to determine the scope and the limits of linguistic malleability across speakers’ life histories.
Purpose: This paper examined the production of intonation patterns in children with developmental dysarthria associated with cerebral palsy (CP) prior to and after speech intervention focussing on respiration and phonation. The study further sought to establish whether intonation performance might be related to changes in speech intelligibility. Method: Intonation patterns were examined using connected speech samples of 15 older children with moderate to severe developmental dysarthria due to CP (9 females; age range: 11-18). Recordings were made prior to and after speech intervention based on a systems approach. Analyses focused on use of intonation patterns, pitch accentuation and phrasing. Result: Group analyses showed a significant increase in the use of rising intonation patterns after intervention. There were also some indications that this increase might have been related to gains in speech intelligibility for some of the children. No changes were observed regarding pitch accentuation and phrasing following intervention. Conclusion: The findings highlight that changes can occur in the use of intonation patterns in children with dysarthria and CP following speech systems intervention. It is hypothesised that the emergence of the rising pattern in some of the children’s intonational inventories possibly reflected improved breath support and control of laryngeal muscles.
This paper examines the acoustic and articulatory characteristics of the fricative realization of /t/ in the dialect of the Cape Breton Regional Municipality, in Nova Scotia, Canada. Two experiments were conducted to determine the similarities and differences betwee fricative /t/, or "slit-t", and other voiceless coronal sounds. Previous research on this sound in some communities has found it to be more similar to /s/ than /integral/, while in other communities it has been found to be more similar to /integral/ than /s/. The first experiment conducted was a qualitative analysis of static palatograms of one Cape Breton speaker's production of six different coronal sounds. Results from this experiment suggest "slit-t" to be articulatorily distinct from both /s/ and /integral/. The second experiment conducted was a statistical analysis of several acoustic measurements of six Cape Breton speakers' production of six different coronal sounds. Results from this experiment suggest "slit-t" is acousticcally distinct from both /s/ and /integral/, or rather on a cline between these two sounds.
Clinical Sociolinguistics examines how sociolinguistic research paradigms can be applied to assessment, diagnosis and treatment in the clinical situation. fills gap in the literature for speech-language pathologists by addressing how sociolinguistic research paradigms can be applied to assessment, diagnosis and treatment in the clinical situation collects newly commissioned articles written by top scholars in the field includes chapters that outline findings from sociolinguistic research over the last 40 years and point to the relevance of such findings for practicing speech-language pathologists discusses topics including bilingualism, code-switching, language planning, and African-American English.
In this article we investigate a phenomenon in which non-standard spelling is normal in professionally produced, published English. Specifically, we discuss the literary genre of Contemporary Humorous Localised Dialect Literature (CHLDL), in which semi-phonological spellings are used to represent aspects of non-standard varieties. Our aims are twofold: 1) we provide, by example, a framework for the quantitative analysis of such types of dialect orthography, which treats respellings as linguistic variables, and 2) we argue that this type of quantitative analysis of CHLDL can shed light on which phonological features are sociolinguistically salient in a given variety, as long as we bear in mind both what is possible orthographically and the phonological status of the dialect features involved. We explore these issues by investigating a corpus of ‘folk phrasebooks’ which represent the variety of English spoken in Liverpool (Scouse), in the north-west of England.
We illustrate how a high-dimension feature space typically used in speech technology can be adapted to the phonetic description of vowels in 13 accents of the British Isles. In a previous work (Ferragne & Pellegrino, 2010), we carried out a formant investigation of the vowel systems of the British Isles; due to erroneous formant estimation, two-thirds of the speakers had to be left out. The present article is therefore an attempt to overcome the methodological difficulties brought about by the use of formants. This novel methodology makes use of distances between vowels in the Mel-Frequency Cepstral Coefficient (MFCC) space. First, hierarchical clustering and multidimensional scaling (MDS) are applied, and tree diagrams and MDS plots are displayed in order to make the data phonetically interpretable. By making distances explicit, this approach to acoustic vowel description facilitates the spotting of phonemic mergers and splits. This part of the study is complemented with an exploratory analysis of the duration of some vowel pairs whose members are acoustically very close to each other. Second, correlations between individual vowel distance matrices are computed, yielding an estimate of the acoustic distance between accents. The explanatory power of these distances is then assessed with hierarchical clustering and MDS. Our ultimate goal is to draw a parallel between the findings obtained with our unconventional method and previous phonetic descriptions, and to benchmark this new methodology against the results in Ferragne and Pellegrino (2010).
Despite the large number of speakers of English in China, little previous work has been done to describe their pronunciation. Thirteen young speakers from north-east, east and central China were recorded reading a passage and participating in a short interview, and their pronunciation is analyzed. The most salient features of their speech include the use of an epenthetic vowel after word-final plosives especially before another word beginning with a consonant, avoidance of reduced vowels especially in function words, heavy nasalization of vowels preceding a final nasal consonant, substitution of [s] for /θ/ and [z] or [d] for /ð/, use of [x] for /h/, and emphasis on sentence-final pronouns. It is suggested that some of these features may become established as part of a unique variety of English that is emerging in China.
The Newcastle Electronic Corpus of Tyneside English is a corpus of dialect speech from North-East England. It includes phonetic transcriptions of 63 interviews together with social data relating to each interviewee, and offers an opportunity to study the sociophonetics of Tyneside speech of the late 1960s. In a previous paper we began that study with an exploratory multivariate analysis of the transcriptions. The results were that speakers fell into clearly defined groups on the basis of their phonetic usage, and that these groups correlated well with social characteristics associated with the speakers. The present paper develops these results by trying to identify the main phonetic determinants of the speaker groups.
In this article we trace the history of (V)-like variants of British English /r/. Although (V) has generally been dismissed as an infantilism, or indicative of aÄected or disordered speech, it seems to have become established as an accent feature of non-standard south-eastern accents. We present tentative evidence to suggest this may be related to the presence of similar variants in the London East End Jewish community. After summarising previous discussions of (V), we concentrate on a sociophonetic study of /r/ variants used by speakers from Derby and Newcastle. (V) is found in both cities, with a higher incidence in Derby. Acoustic evidence suggests that the spreading variants are qualitatively diÄerent from (Ú). We conclude that the spread of (V) is part of a general and widespread process of accent levelling.
In intonation languages, the realization of pitch accents varies with the application of phonetic effects such as “truncation” and “compression”. These effects can change the surface form of accents but do not affect the inventory of phonological contrasts. Cross-linguistic differences in the application of truncation and compression have been attested for the standard varieties of English and German, and cross-varietal differences have been shown to apply within Swedish and Danish. This paper provides evidence for cross-varietal differences in truncation and compression in four varieties of British English. We show that speakers of Cambridge English and Newcastle English compress rising and falling accents, but in Leeds English, in identical contexts, we find truncation. In Belfast English, we find rise-plateau patterns in contexts eliciting rises and falls in Cambridge English, Leeds and Newcastle, and these rise-plateaux are truncated. Our data show firstly that different varieties of one language can share intonological specifications but differ in the way these specifications are realized inF0 . Secondly, they show that the reverse is also possible. Different varieties can share a phonetic realization effect, but apply this effect to different pitch accents.
We show that, in the Scottish Vowel Length Rule, the high vowels in the sequences /i#d/ and /##d/ are 68% longer than in the tautomorphemic /id/ and /ud/ sequences, while /ai#d/ is only 28% longer than /aid/. There is no quality difference associated with /i/ and /#/, but long and short /ai/ do differ in quality. Spectral analysis of F1 and F2 trajectories indicates that the prime difference in the vowels due to the SVLR appears to be the timing of formant movements, not the location of the targets in formant space. In the longer vowel of sighed, the rise towards a high front position starts at about 75ms-100ms into the vowel, and in the shorter vowel of side it is aligned nearer the start of the vowel. There are, moreover, genuine target differences which function as a marker of social class. 1. THE SCOTTISH VOWEL LENGTH RULE 1.2 Introduction Certain secondary phonetic characteristics of Scottish English and Scots vowels are conditioned by (1) the post-vocalic consonant, and (2) th...
English [r]-sandhi: a sociolinguistic perspective Leeds Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 6, 18–39. [Also in Histoire, Epist´ emologie Urban Voices: Accent Studies in the British Isles
FOULKES, P. (1998). English [r]-sandhi: a sociolinguistic perspective. Leeds Working Papers in Linguistics and Phonetics 6, 18–39. [Also in Histoire, Epist´ emologie, Langage 19, 73–96]. rD. Watt & W. Allen: Tyneside English 271 FOULKES, P. &DOCHERTY, G. J. (eds.) (1999). Urban Voices: Accent Studies in the British Isles, London: Arnold
Phonetic parallels between the close-mid vowels of Tyneside English: are they internally or externally motivatedOE
WATT, D. (2000). Phonetic parallels between the close-mid vowels of Tyneside English: are they internally or externally motivatedOE Language Variation and Change 12, 69–101.